Who is james conkling

I do not believe any compromise embracing the maintenance of the Union is now possible. All I learn leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the rebellion is its military—its army. That army dominates all the country and all the people within its range. Any offer of terms made by any man or men within that range, in opposition to that army, is simply nothing for the present, because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made with them.

To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South and peace men of the North get together in convention, and frame ana proclaim a compromise embracing a restoration of the Union. In what way can that compromise be used to keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania! Meade's army can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, and, I think, can ultimately drive it out of existence.

But no paper compromise to which the controllers of Lee's army are not agreed can at all affect that army. In an effort at such compromise we should waste time which the enemy would improve to our disadvantage; and that would be all. A compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those who control the rebel army, or with the people first liberated from the domination of that army by the success of our own army. Now, allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from that rebel army, or from any of the men con trolling it, in relation to any peace compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief.

All charges and insinuations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless. And I promise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept a secret from you.

I freely acknowledge myself the servant of the people, according to the bond of service—the United States Constitution, and that, as such, I am responsible to them. But to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, while I suppose you do not. Yet, I have neither adopted nor proposed any measure which is not consistent with even your view, provided you are for the Union.

I suggested compensated emancipation, to which you replied you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I had not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, except in such way as to save you from greater taxation to save the Union exclusively by other means. You dislike the emancipation proclamation, and perhaps would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I think the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief with the law of war in time of war.

The most that can be said—if so much—is that slaves are property. Is there—has there ever been—any question that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed when ever taking it helps us, or hurts the enemy? Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it; and even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy.

Civilized belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and female. But the proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid.

If it is not valid, it needs no retraction. If it is valid, it cannot be retracted any more than the dead can be brought to life. Nearly 14 months later, James Conkling wrote Clinton instructions on visiting Mr. Lincolns office is in the second story in the end of the Building towards Willards. When he came to Washington in , Mr. Herewith the letter instead. You are one of the best public readers.

I have but one suggestion. Read it very slowly. And now God bless you, and all good Union-men. The Conkling letter began:. Your letter inviting me to attend a mass-meeting of unconditional Union-men, to be held at the Capital of Illinois, on the 3d day of September, has been received.

It would be very agreeable to me, to thus meet my old friends, at my own home; but I can not, just now, be absent from here, so long as a visit there, would require. There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: You desire peace; and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can attain it? There are but three conceivable ways.

The advance publication of the Conkling letter in northern newspapers made Mr. How did this happen? I do not know what particular individual is chargeable with this breach of faith, but I presume it was some one connected with the Chicago Tribune.

The most consummate rhetorician never used language more pat and to the purpose, and still there is not a word not familiar to the plainest plowman. I should judge there were to present, and the largest meeting by far that ever assembled together in the State. Seven stands were used during the day and on the most of them speaking continued without intermission from 11 oclock to 5 PM.

The most unbounded enthusiasm prevailed. A few days later, Conkling wrote Mr. If it shall be held and any request shall be made through a committee or by the passage of resolutions, I hope that a firm emphatic refusal will be the only reply and that an appeal will be made to the people in opposition to the demands of a parcel of sore headed, disappointed, impracticable politicians If any change shall be made we are irretrievably ruined and I would rather see ten thousand Greelys crushed than any alteration in our programme as arranged at Baltimore That is the universal feeling here The campaign in Illinois is opening finely and our prospects are encouraging We shall carry the State by a large majority, if we can keep clear of these faint hearted, weakkneed politicians who are afraid of the popularity of McClellan.

There were strains in the Conkling-Lincoln relationship. Lincoln was a slow thinker. It seemed as if every proposition submitted to his mind was subjected to the regular process of a syllogism, with its major proposition and its minor proposition and conclusion. Whatever could not stand the test of sound reasoning he rejected.

Though honest by instinctive impulse, he became still more so by the logical operation of his mind. He would not accept a fee in a bad cause. He would not argue a case before a jury for the sake of argument, when he believed it was wrong. No man was stronger than he when on the right side, and no man weaker when on the opposite. Mary Lincoln kept up her friendship with Mercy Levering Conkling through letters.

Meigs Montgomery C. And the promise being made, must be kept. Unable to attend the Grand Union Rally in Springfield, Lincoln sent his comments along with these instructions: "Read it very slowly. Abraham Lincoln to James Conkling, August 27, Smithsonian Albert H. Small Documents Gallery Search.

Defending Emancipation Explore this Interactive Document.